January 31, 2012
6.2.12
Mississippi Most Conservative State, D.C. Most Liberal
February 3, 2012
Mississippi Most Conservative State, D.C. Most Liberal
State patterns in ideology largely stable compared with previous years
by Frank Newport
PRINCETON, NJ -- Mississippi remains the most conservative state in
the union, and, along with Utah, Wyoming, and Alabama, is one of four
states with 50% or more of its population identifying as conservative.
At the other end of the ideological spectrum, 40% District of Columbia
residents and 30% of Massachusetts residents identify as liberal; all
other states have a liberal population of 26% or less.
Arizona pension systems a soaring burden
Arizona pension systems a soaring burden
Craig Harris The Arizona Republic
Even as local governments and the state are slashing budgets,
Arizonans are propping up public-pension systems that allow civil
servants to retire in their 50s, receive annuities that can exceed
$100,000 a year, and collect pensions while staying on the same job, The Arizona Republic has found.
Over the past decade, government agencies have been forced to pour
billions of dollars into the state's six pension systems to keep pace
with continual benefit enhancements. The added cost of these
enhancements has been largely borne by taxpayers as pension investments
eroded amid stock-market declines.
Even some of the pension funds' managers agree that these
enhancements over the past decade have grown so expensive they are
unsustainable without sharp increases in public funding and cuts to
critical public services.
Legislators and other policy makers, meanwhile, have done little to
overhaul the systems. In fact, pension reform is rarely, if ever,
mentioned by Gov. Jan Brewer or the Legislature as they grapple with
ways to bridge a two-year budget deficit estimated at $2.25 billion. A
key lawmaker said that needs to change.
"It's a ticking time bomb," Arizona House Speaker Kirk Adams said of
the state's pension systems. "A lot of people for too long have tried
to ignore it and set it aside. The Legislature needs to seriously look
at what the options are."
The tab for local governments and the state to run these
systems grew 448 percent over the past 10 years to $1.39 billion
annually, according to a Republic analysis of the benefits paid
to more than 111,000 retired public employees. In many cases, taxpayer
contributions to the pension funds far exceed workers' contributions. In
fact, most employees earn all their contributions back within three to
four years of retiring.
Today, more money is spent on Arizona's public-pension systems than
on the individual state budgets for higher education, corrections,
economic security or health insurance for the poor.
Even as governments cut budgets, public-pension costs will keep
growing. The state Constitution forbids the government from decreasing a
payout for any retiree now in the system. And a coming wave of Baby
Boomer employees will soon retire, further increasing the costs.
Byron Schlomach, an economist who studies pensions for the
Phoenix-based Goldwater Institute, said there is little political will
to change public-employee retirements because they affect about 363,000
state and local public employees who wield clout and because lawmakers
benefit from the best of the publicly funded systems.
"Some of the resistance is coming from people who you would think
were conservatives, but they may have retired from another pension
system," Schlomach said. "They like the systems the way they are. They
have their benefit, and they are resistant to change."
Well paid
For this series, The Republic filed 67 public-records
requests. They were sent to the state's four public-pension systems, the
Phoenix and Tucson municipal pension systems and all 57 public-school
districts in Maricopa County. The newspaper, through the Arizona Public
Records Law, obtained the amount of pensions paid to retirees in the six
systems and the salaries of hundreds of retirees who still hold
government jobs, with most being educators.
The Republic's analysis shows a system that pays some retirees well, including:
Elected officials. Among those who retired in the past decade,
dozens now are paid more in annual retirement benefits than they were
paid while in office.
Public-safety officers. An incentive program to keep officers
working longer allows them to stop contributing to their pension funds
five years early, keep working, then receive large lump-sum payouts - an
average of $247,422 for police officers and $314,338 for firefighters.
Those officers also then draw regular annual pensions.
City officials. The Phoenix retirement system allows employees
to boost their public pay as they near retirement age, triggering
increases in the annual amount of their pensions.
Educators. Employees in many school districts find ways to
retire and then return to government jobs while also drawing a pension.
Some in the public-education system have created a cottage industry to
make so-called "double-dipping" easier. More than 900 teachers and
administrators in Maricopa County school districts legally collect state
pension checks while being paid to keep working for the schools. Some
teachers make more than $100,000 a year in combined pension and salary,
while administrators' combined pay and pension can exceed $200,000
annually.
Criminals: Six elected officials and a former county manager
now receive state pensions despite being convicted of crimes involving
misconduct while in office.
The bottom line: While most private employers have scaled back
retirement programs and put more or all of the financial responsibility
for their funding onto employees, Arizona civil-servant retirement
systems have not made major changes.
Calls for reform
California, New Jersey and Illinois are among many states now
struggling with the costs of public-pension systems. Reform movements in
some states have cut benefits and raised the age at which workers can
start drawing pensions.
Internationally, there have been moves by financially strapped
governments across Europe to raise the retirement age. In Greece,
generous early-retirement practices led to a debt crisis that prompted
unpopular changes earlier this year. Last month, amid mounting protests
that hampered France's economy, the French parliament bumped the
retirement age from 60 to 62 to preserve its pension system.
Arizona anti-tax groups and business leaders are calling for changes to ease Arizona's ever-growing pension costs.
Kevin McCarthy, president of the Arizona Tax Research Association and
a recent board appointee to the Arizona State Retirement System, said
ongoing enhancements to the retirement systems are unsustainable.
"I don't know how some of this stuff is rationalized," McCarthy said.
Lawmakers have taken small steps to bring costs under control.
Several modifications begin July 1, 2011, for ASRS, the state's
largest system. Newly hired employees who are part of ASRS will be
required to work a few years longer before they can draw a retirement
check. Also changed was the formula by which retiring employees' average
ending salary is calculated, slightly lowering pensions.
However, the state won't see a savings from the changes until those new hires begin to retire years from now.
Even those modest proposals took four years for the Legislature to finally pass.
Though the $23.1 billion ASRS trust is currently underfunded and
payments exceed contributions, ASRS Director Paul Matson said the trust
is in no danger of becoming insolvent because its size is expected to
grow and its investment values will recover.
How pensions work
The largest of Arizona's six public-pension systems is ASRS, which
covers 708 employers of state, county and municipal workers,
public-school teachers and those working for Arizona's three state
universities. Created in 1953, it has 92,216 retirees and 220,323
actively contributing members.
Three other systems cover elected officials, corrections employees
and police and firefighters. Tucson and Phoenix run their own systems.
Public employees contribute a portion of their pay toward their
pensions. Their employers also make contributions equal to or greater
than the employees' amount.
All provide defined-benefit plans, meaning the retiree's benefits are
guaranteed no matter how much he or she has paid into the system while
working.
Under such a plan, each trust pays a pension whose annual amount is
determined through a formula taking into account the employee's highest
average wage at the end of a career, years of service and a benefit
"multiplier."
For example, an ASRS retiree's benefit is calculated by multiplying
the years of service by his or her average salary over the last three
years of employment. That figure is then multiplied by the multiplier, a
percentage set by state law and tiered by years of service.
So, an employee who has worked 20 years and had an average annual
salary over the last three years of $40,000 would have a multiplier of
2.15 percent. That would result in a lifetime annual pension of $17,200.
The biggest public pensions are given to those who work longer and
make more money at the end of their careers. There are 392 government
retirees in Arizona who receive annual pensions in excess of $100,000,
and the average pension for all six systems is $23,221, according to
records the paper compiled.
In the ASRS system, the average retirement age is 60, and the
typical retiree works 19.26 years. The average annual lifetime ASRS
pension is $19,788.
In the private sector, a 401(k) would have to accumulate $273,752 to
$283,327 over a 20-year period to get the same $19,788 annual pension
at retirement, according to Michael Juilfs and Jim Dew, certified
financial planners who operate separate Scottsdale firms.
For the private employee, the money would last 19 to 20 years,
assuming modest interest-rate gains during retirement. The calculations,
however, are based upon retiring at 65 - common in the private sector
but five years later than a typical ASRS retiree.
"Public employees have a better deal than they realize, and they are not that low-paid," Juilfs said.
Insufficient funds
Because of the recession and years of low investment returns, Arizona's public-pension funds are now considered underfunded.
Ideally, a trust is 100 percent funded, meaning the current value of
the assets in the trust is equal to the pension cost calculated for all
current and future retirees. Pensions funded at 80 percent or higher are
considered healthy by industry standards.
As investment values slide, extra money has to come from somewhere.
Each trust has different contribution rates for employees and employers.
In five of the six systems, the employer has a higher contribution
rate than the employee. Only ASRS has matching contribution rates.
That ASRS rate in 2000 was low because the 1990s stock-market boom
provided an investment surplus for its trust. Back then, the combined
contribution rate, the total from employees and employers, was 4.34
percent. Today, it is 19.2 percent, with each side contributing half, or
9.6 percent. Matson projects the combined contribution rate, which
includes a small amount going to retiree health-insurance cost, will
steadily increase to 22.96 percent by 2018, then decline as the trust's
financial health improves.
Even with far higher contribution rates, the ASRS trust's assets cover only 75 percent of its liabilities.
Matson chiefly blamed stock-market crashes in 2001 and 2008 for the
ASRS trust's underfunding, and he said earnings in three other years did
not meet projections of 8 percent growth.
Most of Arizona's other public-pension funds are in worse shape. The
Public Safety Personnel Retirement System has the worst funding ratio,
at about 66 percent.
During the past 30 years, many private businesses have dumped similar
defined-benefit pension plans for defined-contribution plans such as
401(k)s. Employers make set contributions to employees' individual
retirement accounts but are not responsible for guaranteeing their
retirement income or earnings growth.
In 1980, 84 percent of private-sector employees had defined-benefit
plans, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. By March 2009,
the most recent records available show, that number dropped to 21
percent.
Recent federal records show 84 percent of state and local government workers still have defined-benefit plans.
"Pension benefits have been cut so much that it appears firemen and
teachers have a golden parachute when they really don't," said Elizabeth
Ashack, a Bureau of Labor Statistics economist. "For them, it's just
the way it used to be."
The Arizona National Federation of Independent Business said none of its 7,500 members offers a defined-benefit plan.
"It's becoming extinct in the private sector, especially for small
businesses," said Farrell Quinlan, the federation's Arizona director.
Matson, the ASRS director, defends defined-benefit plans, saying
retirees with pensions are less likely to be dependent on government
services when they retire. He added that defined-benefit plans provide
better long-term security for retirees and they typically are better
managed than defined-contribution plans.
Big payouts
The system is providing many employees a comfortable retirement.
Meanwhile, taxpayer costs are rising, with the system paying out more
than it is taking in. In fiscal 2009, for example, ASRS contributions
from employers and employees totaled $1.6 billion. Its benefit payouts:
$2 billion, further depleting the trust.
Public-sector retirees' pensions benefits are guaranteed for as long
as they live, and surviving spouses collect some benefits even after the
retiree dies.
The largest annual pension in ASRS goes to Carol Peck, who retired as
superintendent of the Phoenix-area Alhambra Elementary School District
in July 2002 with 35 years of service. According to ASRS records, she
had an ending salary of $275,022.
Now chief executive of the Rodel Charitable Foundation of Arizona, she receives a $226,422 annual pension.
Peck, who received numerous professional accolades, including
national superintendent of the year, said in an e-mail response that her
salary was above average compared with other superintendents but was
"determined to be commensurate with my performance." She also wrote that
teacher and staff salaries, as well as student performance, were above
average at Alhambra. Peck declined further comment.
Traditionally, public-employee pension systems were recognized as a
way to overcome inequities between lower public-sector salaries and
higher pay in the private sector. However, that inequity is no longer
the case in Arizona, according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics.
The average state-employee salary in 2009 was $46,841, and the
average municipal-employee salary was $42,668. In the private industry,
the average pay was $42,090.
Public costs
As governments juggle their budgets to keep their employees' pensions
intact, they have simultaneously found themselves cutting public
services because of shrinking revenue and a lingering economic downturn.
At the local level, cities have cut library hours, closed recreation
facilities, curtailed public-transit spending and furloughed or laid off
employees.
The state has cut health care for needy families, shuttered some
state parks and motor-vehicle registration branches, trimmed
law-enforcement and prison budgets, and laid off hundreds of workers.
Arizona still faces a combined budget deficit estimated at $2.25
billion this year and next. Gov. Brewer has said public education,
health and welfare programs all are likely to see significant reductions
in 2011.
As state officials slashed budgets in recent years, they repeatedly
argued that they had to cut public services because huge portions of
their budgets were off-limits. Spending approved by voters or otherwise
guaranteed cannot be cut.
A large portion of that off-limits spending goes to pensions. But
cutting that spending is difficult because pension costs are layered
throughout dozens of government-agency budgets rather than being lumped
together as a single expenditure.
Solutions
Along with a weak economy, Arizona lawmakers shoulder some of the
blame for the pension imbalance. In 2001, they permanently increased the
largest system's multiplier, which increased retiree payouts. Three
years earlier, they successfully asked voters to approve a
constitutional amendment that does not allow public-employee pension
benefits to be diminished.
Since then, they have done little to soften the financial impact on taxpayers.
Adams, the House speaker, said that while lawmakers can tweak the
pension systems, they likely will need to ask voters to change the state
Constitution.
"If we are going to have any fundamental reform, the voters will
have to get involved," Adams said. "They need to remove the roadblock so
the Legislature can do something different like have a
defined-contribution plan."
The governor said Arizona's pension systems are in better shape than
other states', but "that doesn't mean we don't need to go in there and
look at this and get the discussion on the table and fix it."
The Arizona Chamber of Commerce has openly encouraged lawmakers to
consider new public retirement plans that combine a defined benefit and a
defined contribution.
Suzanne Taylor, senior vice president of public policy for the
chamber, said the current system is "not a sustainable path" for
taxpayers.
Retirement system board member McCarthy, a limited-government
activist, said lawmakers must act quickly when the session begins in
January.
"We are not talking about small parts of state and local
governments," he said. "We are talking about extraordinary costs, and
people are finding out these things are choking state and local budgets.
The person taking it is the taxpayer."
Reach the reporter at craig.harris@arizonarepublic.com or 602-444-8478.
2.2.12
U.S. Senators' Stock Picks Outperform the Pros'
OCTOBER 26, 2004
By JANE J. KIM | Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL
Politicians may have done a poor job improving the government's bottom line, but they seem to be doing quite well with their own.
A study suggests that U.S. senators possess stock-picking skills that even the most seasoned money manager would envy. During the boom years of the 1990s, senators' stock picks beat the market by 12 percentage points a year on average, according to the study. Corporate insiders, meanwhile, beat the market by about six percentage points a year, while U.S. households underperformed the market by 1.4 percentage points a year on average, according to separate studies. The final details of the study will be published in the December issue of the Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis.
The study's authors, relying on financial-disclosure forms from 1993 to 1998, looked at about 6,000 common-stock transactions of about a third of the senators each year. The researchers then mimicked the senators' transactions, buying the stocks the senators bought and selling the shares they sold. Over a six-year period, that "superportfolio" essentially beat the market by about one percentage point a month, or 12 percentage points a year.
Looking at the timing of cumulative returns, the senators also appeared to know exactly when to buy or sell their holdings. Senators would buy stocks just before the shares suddenly would outperform the market by more than 25%. Conversely, senators would sell stocks that had been beating the market by about 25% for the past year just when the shares would fall back in line with the market's performance.
The researchers say senators' uncanny ability to know when to buy or sell their shares seems to stem from having access to information that other investors wouldn't have. "I don't think you need much of an imagination to realize that they're in the know," says Alan Ziobrowski, a business professor at Georgia State University in Atlanta and one of the four authors of the study.
Senators, for example, are likely to know which tax legislation is apt to pass and which companies might benefit. Or a senator who sits on a certain committee might find out that a particular company soon will be awarded a government contract or that a certain drug might get regulatory approval, says Prof. Ziobrowski.
The Code of Ethics for Government Service states that government employees cannot use any confidential information acquired in the performance of governmental duties as a means for making profit. The U.S. Senate Ethics Manual lays out other rules barring any actions that would create a conflict of interest. But the manual also notes that if a senator happens to personally benefit from legislation that has a broad, general impact on his or her state or the nation, that gain is assumed to be "incidentally related." By law, senators are required to disclose their common-stock transactions and other personal financial interests by May 15 of each year. Those public documents can be found online atwww.opensecrets.org, a Web site run by the Center for Responsive Politics, a nonprofit research group in Washington.
Not all of the senators actively are buying and selling stock. Just over a third of the senators bought or sold individual stocks in any one year in the study, and the vast majority of stock transactions were less than $15,000. But a small group of senators appeared to be quite active in the stock market. In fact, a handful of senators -- Clairborne Pell (D., R.I.), John Warner (R., Va.), John Danforth (R., Mo.) and Barbara Boxer (D., Calif.) -- accounted for nearly half of the stock trades analyzed. (Only Sens. Boxer and Warner are still in the Senate. A spokeswoman for Sen. Boxer says her assets are now in a blind trust, and a spokesman for Sen. Warner declined to comment.) To eliminate the possibility that the heavy trades of a few senators may have skewed the results, the authors also looked at each senator's trades as individual transactions and found that both big traders and small ones shared similar outsized returns.
Since congressional disclosure forms use broad ranges to report investment income and losses, the amount of money earned or lost by a senator from stocks could not be determined, the study noted.
Write to Jane J. Kim atjane.kim@dowjones.com
31.1.12
Biggest Holders of US Government Debt
Biggest Holders of US Government Debt | |||
Switzerland | 113.9B | ||
Taiwan | 149.6B | ||
Caribbean Banking Centers | 185.3B | ||
Brazil | 206.4B | ||
Oil Exporters | 232.0B | ||
Insurance Companies | 250.1B | ||
Depository Institutions | 284.5B | ||
The United Kingdom | 429.4B | ||
State and Local Governments | 484.4B | ||
Mutual Funds | 653.5B | ||
Pension Funds | 852.2B | ||
Japan | 1.038T | ||
Other Investors / Savings Bond | 1.107T | ||
China | 1.132T | ||
Federal Reserve and Intragovernmental Holdings | 6.328T | ||
SOURCE: cnbc.com (Jan 31, 2012) | |||
11.1.12
Private-Equity Payday: Carlyle Founders Get $402 Million
By GREGORY ZUCKERMAN And RYAN DEZEMBER
Amid a swirl of controversy about the private-equity
business, industry powerhouse Carlyle Group revealed that its three
founders together earned more than $400 million last year.
News of the payday comes as Republican presidential candidate Mitt
Romney has been bombarded with criticism for the work of his former
firm, private-equity giant Bain Capital, including from fellow
Republican Newt Gingrich. Mr. Romney's campaign has indicated it is
prepared to defend his work as a part of free-market capitalism. Bain has said the company's focus is on
working with management teams "to build great companies and improve
their operations."
At Carlyle, the earnings for David
Rubenstein, William Conway and Daniel D'Aniello amounted to salary of
$275,000, a bonus of $3.5 million, and a $134 million share of the
firm's investment profits apiece, according to a document filed with the
Securities and Exchange Commission late Tuesday.
The filing is ahead of Carlyle's anticipated initial public offering
later this year, likely in the second quarter, according to someone
close to the matter. A representative for the firm declined to comment.
Washington D.C.-based Carlyle, like other buyout firms, claims 20% of
the profits of the firm's investments. The $402 million the three
executives shared—in addition to their salaries and bonuses—represented
more than half of the 20% fees that Carlyle claimed on the firm's
investment gains in 2011.
The three also saw hefty returns on their personal investments in the
firm's funds, separate from their take of the profits. Carlyle reported
distributions to Messrs. D'Aniello, Conway, and Rubenstein of $77.6
million, $70.9 million and $56.8 million, respectively. The filing
doesn't specify what portion of those distributions consisted of their
original investments.
The founders continue to plow money back into their funds. Last year,
Mr. Conway, a co-chief executive, invested $164 million, Mr. D'Aniello,
Carlyle's chairman, put in $98 million, and Mr. Rubenstein, the other
co-CEO, invested $97 million, the filing says. They have made
outstanding commitments to invest an additional $490.7 million to the
funds, the filing says.
Within Carlyle, the compensation didn't cause many ripples. Some
executives were unaware of pay details of the three founders, one person
at the firm said, adding that the three top partners were generally
assumed to have been making more than half of the firm's profits.
"It's certainly a sizable payday and yet in this sector, it's not
unusual," said David Wise, senior principal at management consulting
firm Hay Group. "People go into private equity because at the end of the
rainbow, they can have a payout like this."
When Blackstone Group
LP was preparing its own public offering in 2007, it reported that in
2006 its top five executives shared in $771.5 million in cash
distributions, their full compensation at the time. Chairman and Chief
Executive Officer Stephen Schwarzman was paid $398.3 million, senior
chairman Peter Peterson's share was $212.9 million and Hamilton James,
Blackstone's president and chief operating officer, collected $97.3
million, according to a securities filing.
The Carlyle payday resulted from an especially active and successful
period last year. The buyout firm has reported economic net income, the
industry's preferred measure of earnings, of $579 million through the
first nine months of last year, the most recent data available from the
company. It handed back $15 billion to its investors during those nine
months, representing profits from the firm's buyout deals as well as
original money invested by clients. That was a record for any nine-month
period for Carlyle and almost double the previous best period.
The firm, founded in 1987, originally forged close ties within
political circles, hiring former senior politicians such as former
Defense Secretary Frank Carlucci, who served as chairman of Carlyle from
1992 to 2003. Former President George H.W. Bush and former Secretary of
State James A. Baker III also served as advisers. Early on, some of
Carlyle's deals were in the defense industry.
But in recent years Carlyle has cut ties with former politicians,
emerging as a more-global buyout player than some of its peers, with
early deals in China. Carlyle has launched many more, smaller buyout
funds than rivals, sometimes with a narrow focus, and executives receive
more of their compensation from the profits they specifically generate,
rather than the overall firm's gains.
Though the Carlyle pay may cause a backlash, some clients said they
had little to criticize after a year of big gains from the sale of
interests in companies including China Pacific Insurance Group Co., Kinder Morgan Inc. and Dunkin' Brands Group
Inc. "They obviously had a very good year and are incentivized to
create gains for investors and are entitled to 20% of those gains," says
an executive with an investment in Carlyle funds. "Investors had to
have made a lot of money" for the trio to make more than $400 million
last year.
Write to Gregory Zuckerman at gregory.zuckerman@wsj.com
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